One of the comments frequently made about Antonio Weiss and
the job of Under Secretary of the Treasury for Domestic Finance is that
position’s responsibility for managing the public debt. To read some of the
comments, one would imagine the Under Secretary spending his time at his
computer projecting cash inflows and outflow, running econometric models to
decide on the most cost-effective way to borrow, and making daily decisions on
debt issuance.
Of course, that is not the way it works. There is an entire
office staffed by career employees dedicated to debt management and others who
compile short-term forecasts of daily cash inflows and outflows. For the most
part, the Under Secretary does not get involved in these decisions unless he or
she wants to or desires to make a major change, such as to the maturity structure
of the debt or to the type of securities issued (for example, inflation-indexed
bonds or floating rate notes). Also, if there is a debt limit crisis, which has
a large political aspect, the Under Secretary and the Secretary have to get
involved, even though they would prefer to be doing something else.
During the Reagan and George H.W. Bush administrations, the
Assistant Secretary or the Under Secretary sometimes became involved in debt
management issues to fight off proposed changes they believed to be bad ideas.
For example, during the Reagan Administration, there was a big fight over
issues such as inflation-indexed bonds, making notes and bonds callable (in the
case of 30-year bonds, shortening the call protection which at the time was 25
years), shortening the maturity structure of the debt, issuing bearer bonds
abroad, and so on. In the George H.W. Bush Administration, inflation-indexed
bonds were more or less summarily dismissed by the Assistant Secretary and the
Under Secretary, but there was major pressure, which was successfully resisted,
to sell bonds linked to the price of oil as a budget gimmick to finance additional
oil purchases for the Strategic Petroleum Reserve. Also, Resolution Funding
Corporation (“RefCorp”) bonds were issued, which was a budget gimmick to put
$30 billion of the cost of the Savings and Loans cleanup off-budget.
One Under Secretary who had a strong interest in debt
management was Peter Fisher of the George W. Bush Administration, perhaps not
surprising since he had been in charge of open market operations at the New
York Fed. He was very proud that he was able to shorten the time between the
auction deadline for Treasury securities and the announcement of results. That,
of course, was a worthy goal, but one has to wonder if it should have been a
priority objective of an Under Secretary. He also achieved notoriety for the botched announcement
of the discontinuance of issuance of 30-year bonds, a decision that has since been
reversed.
The truth about debt management is that, while there is a
substantial amount of detail involved, it is not that interesting unless one is
an active market participant with money riding on Treasury decisions. The
Treasury can certainly make mistakes, but, as long as it does this task
competently, it is usually little noticed. It is a necessary task, but it is
not an area in which to achieve major social change.
Consequently, most Under Secretaries take the job with other
agendas. It is not clear why Antonio Weiss wanted the position, and it would
have been interesting to hear his answer to that question at a confirmation
hearing.
As for his critics, I think they wasted political capital in
successfully tanking his nomination, though not in preventing Weiss from taking
another position to advise Secretary Lew. Absent a crisis, major initiatives
from Domestic Finance look unlikely in the next two years. It is true that
Treasury’s formal role in financial regulation has increased, and perhaps that
was Senator Warren’s real concern. The problem though with financial regulation
is at the front-line agencies – their turf fights, their looking out for “their
companies,” and their susceptibility to regulatory capture, at least on some
issues. Those problems should be addressed, but, in all likelihood, will not be
in the current political climate.
In other words, I agree with the frequently made comment
that this fight was not really about Weiss, who had the misfortune to find
himself in the crossfire between different factions of the Democratic Party. It
is hard to see, though, how this fight benefitted anybody, except providing
some amusement to some Republican onlookers.